If we do not start creating effective labor market and education reforms, including occupational education, right now, the now existent competitive "muscles" of the country will simply wither away. In five-to-ten-year period, with alternation of generations the problems with labor resources and their training will be strongly aggravated. Maybe, economic reforms will be able to partially improve personnel supply for Ukrainian economy; however, such tectonic shift is possible only when businesses come to understanding that investments in labor capital are as important, as in any other segments of economy.

The relations of labor and capital have never been so contradictory and acute. The distribution of public riches has never been so unfair. The cause of crisis is in the fact that the capital and labor, work and remuneration have become divided and having no cause-and-effect relations.

In the system of future labor relations an employee will not be kept neither with scheme of payment, nor career motivation, nor political patriotism, nor idealistic social and national projects. This attitude to work is popular among young population today, and marginalization is not the case.

Labor supply and demand slump is the #1 labor market trend in Ukraine for the past twenty years. According to the State Statistics Service, the population of Ukraine makes 45.8M (as of June 1, 2010). From among them the economically active population of working age makes only 20.3M, of which almost 2M are unemployed.

With growing economic dependence of each state on foreign countries, the value of domestic market, compared with the outside, is reduced. The labor productivity in developed industry outstrips domestic consumption and foreign market expansion becomes a priority. But this expansion is lagging behind the productivity growth. We face the international chronic overproduction that terribly hampers economic progress. Still profitable, national aspirations fade out or sometimes become destructive. The aspirations of ever closer unification, independence and strength of the nation can no longer provide for adequate industrial market. Further industrial advance needs new engine for economic development: the international production regulation must replace domestic and foreign market competition. It must internationalize; otherwise no modern nation can reform its production without influencing other nations and the economic space of any developed industry needs going beyond borders of modern nations.

In Ukraine, the diversity of human life is brought under the control of economic and legal competition under the guidance of one or several clusters of interests, which are called parties for easy operation. Our party, unlike the classical parties, has produced no ideologies and philosophical substantiations of their activities; therefore they tend not toward cultural contexts, but short-term financial pragmatism.

June 21, 2010In Ukraine the destructive socio-economic and socio-psychological processes run the show. And they went on against the passivism of public administration. It resulted in the drain of qualified personnel, from peasants and workers to brainpower and administrators. If we don’t stop these developments, Ukraine’s economy will run into a blind alley.

Тhe financialization of U.S. capitalism over the last four decades has been accompanied by a dramatic shift in the location of the capitalist class, a growing proportion of which now derives its wealth from finance as opposed to production.

This paper considers what the Federal Government’s priorities should be in moving ‘forward with fairness’. Effective, lasting change in labour law requires a break with the intellectual rigidities that define the current reform debate. It is especially important to move beyond binary modes of reasoning such as: ‘enterprise bargaining good, multi-employer arrangements bad’.

Whatever the future of the social democracy in Europe, the Nordic lessons were highly relevant for social reformers in other parts of the world, including developing countries. In fact, implicit worker-employer coalitions have led to both wage compression and improved performance over the last 50 years, especially in Norway and Sweden. Maybe the best way to look at the Nordic model of social democracy is as a productive development strategy for poor countries.

The mutual dependence of each production factor on the other is no more than self interest of workers and owners, understood upon the whole. Labor is best understood as more than a cost of production. It is actually a form of enterprise capital, human capital.

The credit crisis is just another manifestation of a crisis of commodification, brought about by the elevation of the market, from its status as one domain of action among others to that of becoming the central organising principle of society. The thesis of the ‘broken society’ and the analysis of the ‘social recession’ may seem similar but in fact they are radically different. The only alternative is to invest in repairing and rebuilding a public realm that is protected from those who would reduce it to just another commodity.

Why so many people think that China will definitely experience upheaval? the current situation is more and more tense, and more and more serious. What should be done about it? Our conclusion at that time was that the Constitution should be the baseline for maintaining social stability in China.

One of the basic causes of the economic crash of 2008 was the widening income and wealth gap between the rich and the rest of the population. In large part, the meltdown of the financial sector flowed from the labour market model that was the very heart of neo-liberalism. Gigantic new corporate investments outside the developed countries tore away at the balance of power that existed between capital and labour. When those at the top keep too much for themselves and hold wages and salaries down, they set themselves up for an economic crisis.

We are faced with a form of capitalist accumulation that is no longer only based on the exploitation of labour in the industrial sense, but also on that of knowledge, life, health, leisure, culture etc. We need a new concept of ‘wealth’, a new concept of ‘production’. To create these new concepts, it is necessary to forget the philosophy of subject and that of labour, which restrain us from understanding cooperation between minds.

At present, the trade unions are unable to fulfill their role as the defenders of the immediate economic and social interests of their members. The ideological legacy of the “social pact” is now leading the trade union movement astray. Only a transformation of society which is deep enough to remove the material preconditions for a restoration of neoliberal policies can safeguard the interest of working people.