If we do not start creating effective labor market and education reforms, including occupational education, right now, the now existent competitive "muscles" of the country will simply wither away. In five-to-ten-year period, with alternation of generations the problems with labor resources and their training will be strongly aggravated. Maybe, economic reforms will be able to partially improve personnel supply for Ukrainian economy; however, such tectonic shift is possible only when businesses come to understanding that investments in labor capital are as important, as in any other segments of economy.

The relations of labor and capital have never been so contradictory and acute. The distribution of public riches has never been so unfair. The cause of crisis is in the fact that the capital and labor, work and remuneration have become divided and having no cause-and-effect relations.

In the system of future labor relations an employee will not be kept neither with scheme of payment, nor career motivation, nor political patriotism, nor idealistic social and national projects. This attitude to work is popular among young population today, and marginalization is not the case.

Labor supply and demand slump is the #1 labor market trend in Ukraine for the past twenty years. According to the State Statistics Service, the population of Ukraine makes 45.8M (as of June 1, 2010). From among them the economically active population of working age makes only 20.3M, of which almost 2M are unemployed.

With growing economic dependence of each state on foreign countries, the value of domestic market, compared with the outside, is reduced. The labor productivity in developed industry outstrips domestic consumption and foreign market expansion becomes a priority. But this expansion is lagging behind the productivity growth. We face the international chronic overproduction that terribly hampers economic progress. Still profitable, national aspirations fade out or sometimes become destructive. The aspirations of ever closer unification, independence and strength of the nation can no longer provide for adequate industrial market. Further industrial advance needs new engine for economic development: the international production regulation must replace domestic and foreign market competition. It must internationalize; otherwise no modern nation can reform its production without influencing other nations and the economic space of any developed industry needs going beyond borders of modern nations.

In Ukraine, the diversity of human life is brought under the control of economic and legal competition under the guidance of one or several clusters of interests, which are called parties for easy operation. Our party, unlike the classical parties, has produced no ideologies and philosophical substantiations of their activities; therefore they tend not toward cultural contexts, but short-term financial pragmatism.

June 21, 2010In Ukraine the destructive socio-economic and socio-psychological processes run the show. And they went on against the passivism of public administration. It resulted in the drain of qualified personnel, from peasants and workers to brainpower and administrators. If we don’t stop these developments, Ukraine’s economy will run into a blind alley.

Despite the contradictory idea of the "end of ideologies”, eroded separation of left and right, the fight of ideologies and regimes intended to satisfy the appetites of political elites is everything but over; it can spark and bring about destruction any time now.

At the current level of development, stability will mean retardation conservation. Not to mention that, after the electoral victory of Yanukovych, Ukrainian society proceeded to be ideologically diverse, and it is unlikely to voluntarily adapt to the proposed worldview of the winners. Moreover, this worldview is out of question (of course, the pre-election program or the program of the activity of government cannot be considered a worldview). At the same time, effective ideological backing of reforms is associated with productive public debate and rational choice of the citizens.

The busy life and high-speed ideas and data communication make ideologists to monitor society expecting to straddle a wave of civic activism and find new supporters from different strata. Therefore, the priority of political ideology is to get hold of public consciousness, implementation of its own criteria for evaluating past, present and future, and promotion of its goals and objectives of political development. As regards the ideology of democracy, it is appropriate in a traditional rule-of-law state with orderliness of political elite and majority of population. In Ukraine, the commitment to democracy is only a cover-up for usurpation of power by political, economic, military, police, and, in some cases, criminal elite.

The current disintegration of ideologies means evening-out of frictions and struggle around the power, while public life deideologization appeals stem from the desire to consecrate contemporary power and make it sacral and inviolable. The specific conditions for Ukraine––where the state mechanism has been paralyzed for a long time, no legal infrastructure has been formed, and market has been breaking the ground––have triggered the extreme forms of freedom ideology. However, the deep domestic system crisis leads either to transition to reprisals, or to promulgation of the real price of freedom, its real image and bitter flavor.

The bankruptcy of classical political ideologies does not lead to an era of the lack of ideology. Ideologies as such do not disappear and cannot disappear. They will endure as an instrument of conquest of power by certain elites, but will no longer be a part of the social world view. The vacant space will be occupied by other forms, some of which, e.g. network identification, are only in the making now. At the same time against the background of the bankrupt ideologies there is a significant increase in the ideas production not by a caste of professional ideologists only. Now, the traditional mass indoctrination runs parallel to the production of ideas by masses themselves.

Authorities employing Christian, Islamic, Marxist, Nazi and democratic ideologies to the end of world domination once and again resorted to mass killings. The death count is biggest in Marxism and National Socialism, the smallest in Christianity and Islam. The democratic government will never set the count at the same minimum level of Inquisition, Crusades or jihad. But the death count for the case of democratic government is not yet complete. And it can easily exceed the martyrology under Marxism and National Socialism.

At the level of everyday practice in Ukraine, we have neither "corruption", nor "systematic violation of law", nor "adapting the Constitution to topical needs, nor replacement of the making-of-the-state philosophy, but fringe mob cynicism. Thus, the clusters of economic interests can invent their own game rules and call them a constitution or laws, etc., but actually it is nothing but the desired branding of the cluster product. And as far as these clusters have to act in a society, they create with the help of voguish social constructionism special marketing structures called parties, foundations, churches or even sects, etc. We’re not talking morality, philosophy, ideology, or belief in Christ, but only promotion of a product under conditions of virtual globalization. In fact, this all suggests that ideology is not inherently felt by our top personalities as a significant component of their work, which continues against the background of re-formatted society partitioned into business clusters without common ethnicity.

The recent presidential elections directly pointed to the urgency of reforms in Ukrainian society. Together Serhiy Tigipko and Arseniy Yatseniuk positioned as young reformers account for one-fifth of the votes. Leaders of electoral competition Yuliya Tymoshenko and Viktor Yanukovych also had to include reformist rhetoric with might and main. However, the question remains whether or not the new administration is about to conduct radical reforms using a unique opportunity, which consists in the fact that it has really an unchecked power, normal relations with key international partners, and partnership with major businesses.